NIZAR SETARAF HASAN DI TIRO

Assalamualaikum,

Mengembalikan semua harta dan kemudahan negara yang disediakan untuk penjawat jawatan awam sebagai tanda gentleman dan mengetumakan undang undang serta perlembagaan adalah langkah yang tepat seperti yang dilakukan oleh kerajaan negeri Perak yang sah tetapi disingkir secara tidak sah.


Ini meletakkan Nizar setaraf dengan beberrapa kerajaan dalam buangan di dunia. Antara yang masyhur ialah kerajaan Mohamad Hasan Di Tiro, pemimpin Gerakan Aceh Merdeka yang kini telah diiktiraf oleh kerajaan Indonesia dan disambut dengan gemuruh oleh rakyat Acheh.


Hasan Di Tiro telah kembali ke Acheh dalam kemenangan setelah kerajaan dalam buangannya berkelana selama 30 tahun.


Kerajaan Nizar juga akan kembali dalam kemenangan.


Dengan izin Allah.

AKU TANYA, AKU JAWAB

Assalamualaikum,

1. Siapa yang promosikan: orang Melayu perlu tahu kurang ajar: UMNO!

2. Dulu Agong boleh pilih untuk tidak restu pindaan perlembagaan, tapi dalam tahun 1983, artikel 66 perlembagaan persekutuan telah dipinda. Agung sign ke, tak sign ke terus jadi undang undang. Maknanya kuasa veto istana telah direntap. Siapa punya angkara?UMNO!

3.Tahun 1993, artikel 32,38,42,63,72,181 perlembagaan Malaysia telah dipinda yang menyebabkan raja raja Melayu hilang kekebalan dan membolehkan mereka didakwa di mahkamah. Siapa punya kerja?UMNO!

4. 28 April 1993, Tengku Ibrahim telah secara salah ditabal sebagai sultan Kelantan. Ini jelas satu usaha jahat, derhaka dan menghina Sultan Kelantan serta menghina institusi raja raja. Siapa buat kerja ini? UMNO!

5. Semasa zaman semangat 46, apabila sultan tidak mahu diheret sama dalam kancah politik, ada jongos menjerit: biar saya derhaka! siapa tu? UMNO!

6. Seorang bekas menteri besar kelantan pernah berarak menuntut Sultan Kelantan turun tahta. Puak mana yang kurang hajar tu?UMNO!

7. 1974, menteri besar Perak pada masa itu tidak mahu akur dengan perintah Sultan Idris. Siapa yang derhaka tu?UMNO!

8. Standard -Chartered Bank saman Almarhum Yang DiPertuan Negeri Sembilan. Siapa yang ajar tu?UMNO!

9. Selepas piliharanraya Mac 2008, Sultan Terengganu dinista dengan kata kata kami nak idris, natang! Siapa punya kerja tu?UMNO

10. Di Perlis pun pada masa yang hampir sama Sultan Perlis dinista. Siapa punya kerja? UMNO!


Siapa yang durjana lagi derhaka?


Kau jawab dalam otak kau, UMNO

AJAK PUASA SUNAT

Assalamualaikum,

Semasa suasana Pilihanraya kecil Kuala Terengganu dulu, saya buat posting mengajak orang PAS dan orang Islam yang menyokong PAS berpuasa sunat sebagai satu usaha memohon pertolongan Allah untuk membantu kita dalam hal tersebut.


Maka berketuklah blog blog pengampu UMNO memperlekehkan usaha berpuasa tersebut sebagai usaha yang sia sia. Memang puak puak ni kalau kita ajak sembahyang, qiamullail, puasa, zakat, haji dan lain lain ibadat, mereka dulu yang tentang.


Kalau ajak beli nombor ekor, kebas duit negara, jual tanah negara, itu tak perlu ajak pun mereka dah pakar untuk lakukan.


Kepada semua pembaca muslim/muslimah, saya menganjurkan puasa sunat untuk memohon pertolongan Allah atas sebab:

1. kerajaan PR di Perak telah dianiaya
2. Titah meletakkan jawatan terhadap Nizar salah dari segi perundangan
3. Usaha minta berbeza pendapat di cop sebagai derhaka

Puasa sunatlah anda. Untuk memohon bantuan Allah dalam kemelut politik di Perak. Untuk memohon agar Allah menganugerahkan kemenangan kepada PAS dan PR dalam pilihanraya kecil P059 Bukit Gantang. Untuk memohon agar Allah menganugerahkan kemenangan kepada PR dan PAS dalam pilihanraya kecil Bukit Selambau.

Untuk kemenangan kita di dunia.

Untuk kemenangan kita di akhirat.

DUA BUKIT DAN DUA BATU

Assalamualaikum,

Dalam sedikit masa lagi Malaysia akan menyaksikan dua lagi pilihanraya kecil di dua bukit. Bukit Gantang dan Bukit Selembau. Kedua dua pilihanraya kecil ini akan mengukur tahap penerimaan rakyat terhadap parti politik, atau juga tahap kemeluaataan rakyat kepada parti politik tertentu.


Sebelum PRU12 dahulu, negara telah digemparkan dengan isu dua batu, iaitu Batu Buruk, di mana kononya orang PAS telah buat rusuhan sehingga seorang daripada mereka ditembak oleh pihak yang menjaga keselamatan. Batu yang satu lagi ialah Batu Caves di mana kumpulan Hindraf telah membuat perhimpuanan.


Selepas peristiwa dua batu tersebut, dan juga apabila selesai pilihanraya kecil di dua bukit ini, maka rakyat Malaysia mungkin perlu memperkatakan perihal dua bukit lagi.


Ia itu dua bukit mongolia yang menjadi penyebab banyak korner dan selekoh dalam politik Malaysia.

PUAKA BERNAMA 13

Assalamualaikum,

Di banyak taman perumahan, kalau kita cari rumah nombor 13 tidak akan berjumpa. Yang ada ialah rumah no. 9, 11, 11A, 15, dan seterusnya. Ini adalah kerana ada orang yang begitu amat percaya tentang sueh nya angka 13. Kalau pemaju meletakkan nombor 13 kepada sesebuah unit rumah, mungkin unit tersebut susah dijual.


Untuk orang Islam, mempercayai tahyul yang sedemikian adalha satu bentuk syirik.


Tetapi mungkin secara kebetulan, banyak perkara malang berlaku dengan nombor 13 ini. Kapal angkasa Amerika Apollo 13 mengalami masalah diangkasa, nasib baik selamt sampai bumi. Space Shuttle Columbia, STS-107, meletup semasa dilancar ke angkasa, adalah pelancaran ke 113 dalam siri space shuttle.

Dan banyak lagi.

Pilihanraya 13 akan pasti sampai. BN dah lama berada diatas.

Sampai masa kut dia jatuh. Ada puaka ke nombor 13 tu?

INTIPATI TULISAN CLIVE KESSLER

Assalamualaikum,



Intipati daripada tulisan Clive Kessler ialah:

Dalam sistem raja berpelembagaan, cara untuk menurunkan kerajaan yang memerintah ialah:

1. Undi tidak percaya yang dilakukan dalam dewan undangan
2. Pilihanraya semula supaya rakyat boleh membuat pilihan.



Clive S Kessler ialah Professor Emeritus bidang Sociology dan Anthropology di School of Social Science and International Studies, University of New South Wales dan seorang pakar mengenai Malaysia yang terkemuka.

AUSTRALIAN LESSON FOR PERAK

Assalamualaikum,

For those who are interested, a critical analysis of the impasse in Perak is presented here

Jeopardising the nation

10 Feb 09
By Clive Kessler
The Nut Graph

“All great historical events happen twice — the first time as tragedy
and the second, at times, as an unnecessary tragedy.”
(A witticism offered with apologies to both Hegel and Marx)

WHATEVER the impertinence, a comment by a not totally clueless outsider who holds Malaysia close in his attachments on the present constitutional crisis in Perak and its national political implications may prove useful and instructive.
Tough legal questions have been raised already with no simple answers. They are questions that serious Malaysian citizens are worried, and have the right to be concerned, about. I am too. Those questions need not be repeated here.

If I were the Sultan

Instead I shall compound my impertinence. Were I, however improbably, to have found myself in the position of the Sultan of Perak on 5 Feb 2009, I would have been strongly tempted — in good conscience and out of an impeccable sense of duty and for the best possible reasons — to have acted just as he did.

But I pray I would have resisted that temptation. I hope that, however tricky that different course might prove in the immediate and short term, I would have allowed the fate of a democratically elected government, under a system of constitutional monarchy, to be decided by the people in one of two ways.

Either on the floor of the people’s house by their own recently elected representatives, or else, if for some reason that was not feasible or acceptable, at an election that might explicitly test public opinion on the question. That way, the newly elected house, whether controlled by the Barisan Nasional or the Pakatan Rakyat, would authoritatively be that of the people’s, with whom modern democratic sovereignty originates.

Whether, as Ruler, I might have forced some resolution of the question on the floor of the house or acceded to the menteri besar’s request for a dissolution and new elections, the prospect in either case would have been one of an immediately heightened political temperature.

Either course would soon have seen mass public demonstrations of allegiance on both sides and, in their train, huge potential problems in maintaining civil peace and public order. That much is undeniable.

Any conscientious ruler or head of state would have to be deeply concerned at such a prospect.

As for the former option, I may be among the few surviving attentive witnesses to a similar episode long ago: the so-called “20 Aug 1968″ peristiwa in Kelantan. Then, some half dozen or more PAS state assemblypersons were to have defected and sided with Umno at a sitting of the state assembly in the old Balai Besar in the palace precinct in Kota Baru. It did not happen.

The PAS government of Kelantan was not toppled. The frogs did not jump. They stayed under the sheltering tempurung of the party in whose name they had been elected.

But I still recall the very tense and at times frightening atmosphere as I travelled by motorcycle, through police and army roadblocks, the 25 miles from Bachok to Kota Baru and the roiling, ever-growing crowds that, along with me, were converging ominously there on that fateful morning.

These are not matters to be trifled with nor risks to be taken lightly — least of all by a constitutional head of state with a proper sense of public responsibility and duty. So avoiding that fearful possibility would have been a great temptation, and a not ignoble one. But it is a temptation that I hope I might have resisted. Why?

Learning from Australia

In Australia in 1975, the Governor-General Sir John Kerr chose to act similarly in a similar situation. He insisted on exercising his personal discretion that, as he understood the situation, his constitutional “reserve powers” entitled him to wield. He dismissed a government that arguably still had a majority within the people’s elected house of parliament.

The result was unfortunate, to say the least. It poisoned Australian politics, public culture, and (dare one say it?) the very soul of the nation for a generation. Its effects have not fully worn off away even now.

Malaysia could now be at risk of a similar outcome. I hope not but fear so.

For that reason, a test in the state assembly or snap polls would have been preferable whatever the costs and however messy the shorter-term practicalities of maintaining public order. As a matter of long-term public and national policy, that would have been better than a measure that substituted something else for the verdict of popular will.

In Australia it is now widely recognised that, if the government was not to have fallen on its own, it should not have been peremptorily dismissed. And if it was doomed to fall, as well it may have been, it should have been allowed to do so in the natural course of democratic events, through democratic processes. The impatience to force the issue may have saved a few days or weeks of delay but it plagued the nation with its consequences for thirty years until the matter began to be put decently to rest.

It was not a good deal. Not for anyone. Not for the ousted Prime Minister Gough Whitlam. Not for his successor Malcolm Fraser who never overcame the “legitimacy deficit” that his manner of coming to power caused him. Not for Kerr who went into exile and died amidst widespread ignominy and contempt. Not for Australia, which was made to live for a generation under the shadow of what was widely seen as a quasi- or pseudo-constitutionalist coup against constitutionalism. And not, therefore, for constitutional principle and process itself.

That is an outcome and fate that Malaysia, I hope, will avoid. The lesson is there already to be learnt from others. The same price need not be paid again.

Malaysia these days has other urgent needs and priorities. It does not need, now to be paid exorbitantly on its own account, this distraction or these afflictions. The lesson is available free, there to be taken “ready off-the-shelf”, from Canberra.

Former Lord President Tun Mohamed Suffian Hashim repeatedly insisted in his foundational written texts that in Malaysia, the constitution and nothing but the constitution is “the supreme law of the land”. Malaysia cannot afford to see constitutional principles imperiled, and constitutional processes jeopardized — not even out of an understandable impatience, or a conscientious determination, to see the urgent political and practical problems of the day speedily resolved.

Clive S Kessler is Emeritus Professor of Sociology and Anthropology at the School of Social Science and International Studies at the University of New South Wales and one of Australia's foremost Malaysia watchers.

10 Feb 09

ROTAN SAKTI MENAMAT KEMELUT

Assalamualaikum,

Sekiranya satu kumpulan yang sekarang telah diharamkan mewiridkan makkal sakti sebagai wirid mereka, maka ada juga kumpulan yang tidak mahu ketinggalan. Mereka mewiridkan rotan sakti.

Telah acapkali rotan sakti ini menjadi penawar murahan kaki lima untuk menyelesaikan kemelut yang dicipta oleh kumpulan ini.

Kerana tampuk kuasa masih lagi ditangan mereka, maka mereka dapat meloloskan diri daripada sebarang tanggung jawaban.


Telah dimasyhurkan bahawa dalam kemelut yang mereka cipta di Perak, rotan sakti ini tidak akan digunakan.

Dan dipercayai serta diyakini,

oleh mereka,

yang gangrene pada medulla oblongata

NIZAR BUAT KENYATAAN

Assalamualaikum,


بِسۡمِ ٱللهِ ٱلرَّحۡمَـٰنِ ٱلرَّحِيمِ

Saya bersyukur ke hadrat Allah SWT atas kesihatan tubuh badan dan kesabaran yang dianugerahkanNya kepada saya dan seluruh rakyat negeri Perak Darul Ridzuan.

Saya mengambil kesempatan ini untuk menerangkan beberapa perkara berkaitan perkembangan krisis di negeri Perak terutamanya selepas upacara angkat sumpah Menteri Besar baru negeri ini yang berlangsung di Istana Iskandariah petang tadi.


Dengan penuh rasa tanggungjawab, sukacita saya menyatakan bahawa perlantikan Menteri Besar baru itu sesungguhnya adalah tidak mengikut Undang-Undang Perlembagaan Negeri sebagaimana sepatutnya.

Apabila saya tidak meletak jawatan seperti yang dititahkan oleh DYMM Paduka Seri Sultan Perak, sebenarnya saya telah pun meneliti semua undang-undang dan peraturan yang berkaitan serta telah mendapatkan pandangan dan nasihat daripada ahli dan pakar undang-undang. ..

Permohonan saya kepada DYMM Sultan untuk mendapatkan perkenan membubarkan Dewan Undangan Negeri adalah menepati dan mengikut peruntukan Undang-Undang Perlembagaan Negeri

secara jelas dan pasti. Perlembagaan memperuntukkan dengan jelas bahawa pembubaran DUN sepatutnya telah pun berlaku setelah permohonan perkenan saya kemukakan kepada DYMM Tuanku Sultan.

Saya juga yakin bahawa pembubaran DUN adalah langkah terbaik bagi menyelesaikan kemelut politik negeri Perak. Biarlah rakyat membuat keputusan. Saya percaya bahawa rakyat berhak membuat keputusan berkenaan parti manakah yang rakyat mahu berikan mandat sebagai kerajaan. Keputusan menyerahkan penentuan itu kepada rakyat adalah bertepatan dengan prinsip demokrasi dan sistem Raja berperlembagaan yang dijunjung bersama.

UMNO telah mencemarkan Institusi Raja melalui konspirasi yang sangat kotor semata-mata kerana dendam kesumat dan nafsu melampau untuk memerintah. Mereka sanggup mengheret Institusi Raja kepada kecelaruan yang boleh menjejaskan penghormatan dan sanjungan rakyat terhadap istana.

Tiga Kaedah Lucut Jawatan Menteri Besar

Berhubung kecelaruan isu letak jawatan atau lucut jawatan saya sebagai Menteri Besar, suka saya jelaskan kepada seluruh rakyat negeri Perak bahawa Perkara 16(6) Undang-Undang Perlembagaan Negeri dengan terang menyatakan bahawa lucut jawatan saya hanya boleh berlaku melalui 3 kaedah iaitu :

Pertama pembubaran Dewan Undangan Negeri.

Kedua undi tidak percaya dalam sidang khas Dewan Undangan Negeri.
Ketiga saya meletak jawatan secara sukarela.

Tetapi apa yang terjadi sekarang, tiada mana-mana satu pun di antara 3 kaedah itu berlaku. Saya tidak meletak jawatan. Pembubaran DUN tidak berlaku. Belum lagi berlangsung sidang khas atau apa-apa sidang membincangkan usul undi tidak percaya terhadap saya. Maka bagaimana boleh dikatakan saya bukan lagi Menteri Besar Perak?

Apabila saya masih lagi Menteri Besar Perak yang sah mengikut undang-undang, maka adalah ganjil apabila dilantik seorang Menteri Besar yang baru. Bukan saja ganjil, tapi salah. Perlantikan Menteri Besar hanya boleh atau perlu dibuat apabila berlaku kekosongan jawatan itu. Sehingga saat ini saya masih MB mengikut perlembagaan. Belum berlaku kekosongan. Saya MB yang sah manakala Dato Dr. Zambry adalah MB tidak sah atau MB haram.

Fitnah Media Kawalan UMNO
Saya Nak Saman Sultan,
Saya Arahkan Rakyat Memberontak
dan Saya Menjerit Di Pejabat.

Hari ini timbul isu bahawa saya akan saman DYMM Tuanku Sultan. TV1 dan TV2 serta semua saluran TV milik Media Prima menyiarkan berita itu. Ini adalah satu fitnah yang sangat dahsyat. Tohmahan jahat ini dicipta oleh UMNO untuk menimbulkan kebencian orang ramai khususnya rakyat negeri Perak terhadap saya dan Pakatan Rakyat. Mereka mengulas isu ini secara terarah untuk menjauhkan kita dari istana. Mereka mencipta tuduhan ini untuk membangkitkan kemarahan orang Melayu terhadap saya dan Pakatan Rakyat dengan tujuan menenggelamkan perbincangan tentang pencabulan undang-undang yang mereka lakukan demi merampas kuasa.

Saya juga dituduh menggerak dan mengarahkan rakyat supaya bangkit menentang istana. Media yang dikuasai UMNO menggambarkan saya bertanggungjawab ke atas perhimpunan rakyat yang berlaku di merata tempat dalam masa beberapa hari ini termasuk himpunan di Kuala Kangsar yang tercetus kekecohan.

Sehubungan dengan itu, saya dengan ini menafikan sekeras-kerasnya segala tuduhan dan fitnah yang dilemparkan terhadap saya. Saya tidak mengeluarkan apa-apa arahan kepada rakyat untuk maksud berhimpun menyatakan bantahan kepada istana. Semua ini adalah propaganda UMNO.

Media elektronik yang dipengaruhi UMNO juga memutarbelit laporan mengenai insiden di pejabat saya iaitu pejabat Menteri Besar pagi tadi. Mereka melaporkan bahawa saya menjerit ketika kekecohan semasa kehadiran puluhan wartawan.

Sebenarnya yang menjerit itu bukan saya. Yang menjerit ialah Dato Setiausaha Kerajaan Negeri iaitu Dato Dr. Abdul Rahman Hashim yang menghalau wartawan supaya keluar dari bilik itu. Wartawan dalam dan luar negeri menjadi saksi tindakan primitif Setiausaha Kerajaan Negeri yang menghalau petugas media di hadapan saya.

Saya tegaskan sekali lagi bahawa bukan saya yang menjerit seperti dilaporkan oleh media elektronik pengampu UMNO. Saya nafikan sekeras-kerasnya tuduhan itu. Anda boleh saksikan sendiri video yang sempat dirakamkan oleh salah seorang wartawan ketika insiden itu. Dato Dr. Abdul Rahman Hashim yang menjerit.

Sukacita saya menyatakan sekali lagi bahawa saya menyanjung tinggi Institusi Istana sepanjang sepuluh bulan lebih saya memikul amanah ini dan saya telah memberikan kepatuhan saya kepada DYMM Tuanku Sultan dengan sepenuh jiwa dan raga. Dalam perkara yang sedang berlaku ini, saya sebenarnya bermaksud membela dan mempertahankan Institusi Diraja bahkan Institusi Kesultanan Melayu seluruhnya supaya tidak dipandang memihak kepada mana-mana kumpulan dalam isu ini. Saya tidak rela rakyat menganggap Istana menyebelahi mana-mana pihak. Saya ingin menyelamatkan istana daripada tohmahan rakyat. Saya ingin memelihara kepercayaan rakyat kepada institusi ini iaitu institusi yang luhur dan adil.

Pesanan Kepada Seluruh Rakyat Negeri Perak, Saya merayu kepada seluruh rakyat negeri Perak supaya janganlah bertindak diluar batasan. Apa yang kita lakukan adalah usaha menuntut keadilan serta menuntut diberikan hak kepada rakyat untuk membuat pilihan sepertimana yang dijamin oleh perlembagaan.

Terimakasih kepada semua rakyat negeri Perak atas sokongan, pandangan dan ucap selamat yang diberikan kepada saya. Saya sudahi dengan wabillahi taufiq wal hidayah wassalamu alaikum warahmatullah.

IR MOHAMAD NIZAR JAMALUDDIN

Menteri Besar Perak

PALACE COUP D' E-TAT: A GENETICALLY DEFORMED MONSTER

Assalamualaikum,

The literature in political science terms it as palace coup d'e-tat in which the sudden stroke of state policy was engineered from high-ups. But the one engineered by UNMO/BN in Perak has some unexpected setbacks on the part of UMNO. It created great instability not only to the politics of the state of Perak, but to Malaysia as well and very much more to the general populace.


This is something which UMNO did not expect and did not expect to expect. It is not going to be smooth and free ride for them. And this impasse can go on for a long time unless something or some kind of rulings are issued by the court.


This palace coup d' e-tat is the brainchild of UMNO, and whatever turmoil that brews as a result of its execution, the task to shoulder the responsibility rests on UMNO and UMNO alone. But the urge to escape the shouldering of the resposibility necessitated UMNO to agitate all available means at its disposal. Which precipitates further unrest and uneasiness among the people.


The end of this fiasco ought to be determined by the court, which, many opinions have already been rest assured as to what to expect. But the sabre-rattling UMNO hoodlums and hoodwinks would never be satisfied, unless their insatiable apetite is filled to the fullest.


Unleashing the sabre known as ISA would do just that.

So they think.

USTAZ AZIZAN WILL SHINE

Sah Arumugam letak jawatan Adun

Harakahdaily Mon | Feb 09, 09 | 9:35:53 pm MYT

ALOR SETAR, 9 Feb (Hrkh) - Terkini jam 9.10 malam tadi, V arumugam telah meletakkan jawatan Adun Bukit Selambau setelah dimaklumkan meletakkan jawatan sebagai Exco Kedah petang tadi.

Cuba baca pula kutukan puak UMNO di bawah ini

Sah! ADUN Bukit Selambau letak jawatan Exco Kedah. Maka kosonglah satu kerusi Exco di negeri Jelapang Padi. V. Arumugam bekas yang juga Pengerusi Jawatankuasa Perdagangan Dalam Negeri dan Hal Ehwal Pengguna telah dinasihatkan oleh rakannya Ir. Zambry untuk meletakkan jawatan ekoran tekanan yang diterima akibat isu "anak luar nikah". Terdahulu, satu memorandum telah dihantar oleh sekumpulan 500 penduduk di Sg. Petani, Kedah, kepada Setiausaha Sulit DYMM Sultan Kedah. Dikatakan juga bahawa V.Arumugam selalu membawa wanita tersebut ke majlis-majlis rasmi kerajaan negeri dan Istana. Ini telah menimbulkan rasa tidak puas hati dikalangan rakyat Kedah khususnya. Maka, memorandum bantahan tersebut telah diserahkan ke bawah Duli Sultan.

Alahai! Apa nak jadi? Sebuah negeri yang kononnya ditadbir oleh barisan kepimpinan PAS, telah tersalah lantik seorang ADUN dari parti Bebas (kemudiannya menyertai PKR) yang terlibat dengan skandal seks terlarang? Malunya muka mana nak diletak, melainkan muka tembok! Apakan daya, demi menjaga hati kaum India, Ust. Azizan telah sanggup melantik seorang yang sebok mengusung wanita yang bukan isterinya ke sana ke mari, sedangkan isterinya yang sah berada di rumah bersama anak-anak. Malah, individu inilah yang diangkat oleh pengundi Bukit Selambau untuk menjadi pemimpin mereka. Dan kini terbongkar apabila dia meletak jawatan sebagai akur dengan tekanan yang diberikan rakyat yang hanya seramai 5oo orang! Sekurang-kurangnya dia "gentleman" dalam soal jawatannya? Apakah dia boleh dikira "gentlement" dengan menghina majlis-majlis rasmi kerajaan negeri Islam PAS Kedah dan majlis-majlis Istana dengan membawa perempuan simpanannya? Satu tamparan hebat yang harus diterima oleh pihak Kerajaan PAS Negeri Kedah!

Selain menghina pihak Istana dengan mengusung perempuan simpanannya itu ke hulu ke hilir, apakah dia tidak sedar bahawa dirinya itu seorang pemimpin yang sepatutnya memperlihatkan contoh yang baik kepada masyarakat? Kesalahan moral yang menjadi seteru kepada setiap insan bergelar wanita itu pasti tidak dapat diterima masyarakat. Namun, V. Arumugam hanya meletak jawatan Exconya? Apakah itu sudah cukup untuk membersihkan arang yang ada pada kerajaan PAS negeri Kedah, Dewan Undangan Negeri yang mulia dan seluruh penduduk DUN Bukit Selambau? Jika saya, saya akan malu, semalu-malunya!

Demikian dilaporkan wartawan Harakah Kedah Izwan Abdul Halim kepada Harakahdaily yang kini berada di sidang media Menteri Besar Kedah Dato' Seri Azizan Abdul Razak yang memaklumkan isu tersebut.

Beliau dipercayai melakukan demikian akibat tekanan dan tuduhan yang diterima oleh beliau dan keluarganya yang dikaitkan dengan skandal moral.- azm

http://dukeofumno.blogspot.com/2009/02/adun-bukit-selambau-letak-jawatan-exco.html

UMNO DAH LAMA AJAR ENGKAR SULTAN

Assalamualaikum,

Ada material yang orang lain dah buat research tetapi saya rasa elok diperpanjangkan di sini. Saya copy & paste daripada copy & paste !

SINGKAP KAIN BARU NAMPAK. SIAPA YANG TERLEBIH DULU ENGKAR KEPADA SULTAN

Dalam kemelut politik di Perak, perisitwa atau kejadian lepas adalah paling afdal untuk dirujuk. Semua pihak harus menyedari apa yang dilakukan Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin dan Pakatan Rakyat mereka bukan tergilakan kepada jawatan MB yang dianggap sudah disamun secara penuh tektikal itu. Tetapi mereka hanya mahu menuntut keadilan. I

Mengenai pergolakan politik yang berlaku di Perak itu ada satu lagi versi atau cebisan sejarah lama boleh dijadikan panduan. Ianya dirasakan adil dan relevan kerana ia telah berlaku di negeri itu kira-kira 35 tahun lalu. Kisah itu ialah mengenai apa yang menimpa ke atas bekas Menteri Besarnya, Tan Sri Mohamad Ghazali Jawi (foto) iaitu bapa kepada Mohd Tajol Rosli pada tahun 1974. Apa yang berlaku ke atas Nizar hari ini senarionya sama walapun suasananya dan kondisinya berbeza. Sultan Perak waktu itu, Sultan Idris Shah (foto atas) sudah tidak berkenan untuk melantik Ghazali Jawi untuk menjadi Menteri Besar buat kali kedua (sambung selepas habis dua tahun). Bagaimana pun Ghazali tidak mahu melepaskan jawatan berkenaan dan kedegilan Ghazali itu menimbulkan masalah kepada Sultan Idris Shah. Tindakan Ghazali itu menyebabkan Sultan tidak dapat berbuat apa-apa, kerana Perlembagaan Perak melarang baginda berbuat demikian. Apa yang menjadi alasan dan dipertikaikan Nizar kini itulah juga yang digunakan pakai oleh Ghazali untuk terus menjadi Menteri Besar

Pemuda Umno ketika itu memberi pandangan; “Sultan Perak mempunyai hak melantik dan berkenan seseorang memegang jawatan Menteri Besar, tetapi setelah dilantik dan diperkenankan, Sultan tidak ada hak mengikut Perlembagaan Negeri untuk memecat atau memerintahkan supaya meletakkan jawatan. Hak untuk memecat atau memerintahkan seseorang berhenti dari Menteri Besar, ialah Presiden UMNO.” Gara-gara keengganan Ghazali itu menyebabkan Sultan Idris murka dan bernazar baginda tidak akan mencukur janggut dan jambangnya selagi Ghazali tidak berhenti menjadi Menteri Besar. Untuk beberapa ketika Sultan Idrsis tampil di khalayak dengan keadaan berjangut dan berjamban. Beliau benar-benar melaksanaan nazarnya, tidak mencukur janggut. Sehinggalah Ghazali Jawi berundur menjadi Menteri Besar baru baginda membersihkan mukanya. Ghazali berhenti menjadi Menteri Besar Perak bukan kerana kuasa sultan tetapi setelah beliau dinasihati oleh Presiden Umno ketika itu Hussein Onn menasihat agar Ghazali berbuat demikian. Atas nasihat Hussein Onn lah Ghazali membuat surat perletakan jawatan sebagai MB 1977.

[Cuplikan kisah ini dipetik daripada buku biografi Tan Sri Ishak Tadin yang ditulis oleh penulis veteran Perak yang juga merupakan kawan rapat kepada Sultan Idrsis Shah, sdr Mokhtar Petah (foto) dan disedut dari blog beliau. Kata Mokhtar mereka yang tidak mengetahui catatan sejarah atau melupakan sejarah Negeri Perak menuduh Ir. Nizar Jamaluddin menderhaka kepada Sultan. Tetapi mereka yang peka dengan sejarah amat berhati-hati menuduH demikian, kerana ada kilat dan silaunya, ‘kata dulang paku sepih’ - Artike MSO ]

GUNAKAN FORMULA SAMA UNTUK BUKIT GANTANG

Assalamualaikum,

Dalam pilihanraya kecil Bukit Gantang nanti saya syorkan kepada PAS gunakan formula yang sama dengan yang telah digunakan di Kuala Terengganu. Memanglah, sedikit modifikasi diperlukan untuk mengambil kira faktor tempatan.



UMNO/BN telah menyediakan bahan yang menjadikan rakyat meluat kepada mereka. Merekalah yang terkial kial untuk membersihkan imej mereka. Merekalah yang dudup dadap nanti terpaksa cuba mengubah persepsi rakyat kepada mereka.


Apa isu yang akan mereka canangkan?


Tentulah DERHAKA!


Ingat, Annuar Musa pernah celupar dengan mengatakan: BIAR SAYA DERHAKA!


Ditujukannya kepada Baginda Sultan Kelantan.

UMNO'S NEXT MOVE

Assalamualaikum,

The current impasse and turmoil in the politics of thes tate of Perak does not work to the interest of the nation. It also does not work to the interest of UMNO. It also tarnished the sanctity of the of the Royalties.


The current situation can not be allowed to drift unnavigated. It must be steered clear of the impeding calamity with utmost tact and prudence. The best option that is available is to let the people to have their say, that is go to the poll and let the people decide. But of course, this is the option which UMNO does not want to pursue.


The next available option is for the court to decide. But this may take some time, which, if things are not properly managed, can go out of hand. Which, for all of us, the law-abiding citizens do not wish this to happen. On the part of PAS supporters, rest assured, they can be easily disciplined and restrained so that the law is always the utmost thing to uphold.


But it is UMNO that is most difficult to domesticate. If this impasse goes on for a little longer, then you can predict and expect what course of action they are going to indulge in. All options are on the table. They not only will not hesitate to use all measures, but they have been yearning to unleash them.


You guessed it right. They are ready and ever willing now to unleash the I.S.A. And I think the name that tops the list now is Nizar's. And may be all of EXCOs still loyal to PR.


To UMNO, stop instigating people's wrath. You can't afford to pay the price in the next general election.

A ROYAL BLUNDER?

Assalamualaikum,

I think it would shed us more light if this analysis written by a lawyer is read regarding the crisis in Perak


[this posting was copied from another blog]



Friday, February 6, 2009

The Perak Crisis - an unsolicited legal opinion

by

Art Harun



Excerpts:

Basically I was, and still am, of the opinion that the role of the Rulers in the political arena should be approached with a degree of circumspection.

The looming constitutional crisis in Perak now underscores my sentiment exactly.

The Power of the (Perak) Sultan to Appoint the MB

1. Article 16 of the Perak Constitution
   
   
   Article 16 of the Perak Constitution says that the Sultan shall appoint the Executive Council ("EC"). He must first appoint as Menteri Besar from the members of the Legislative Assembly who "in his judgment is likely to command the confidence of the majority of the members of the Assembly." Then on the advice of the MB, the Sultan shall appoint other members of the EC.
   
   
   We stop at this juncture to consider this provision.
   The Sultan did not have to ensure that the potential MB does command the confidence of the majority. The word "likely" in the above provision gives a certain level of subjectivity to the whole process. And quite how the Sultan was to perform that function is not spelt out.
   

   
   Article 16 (6) is very important. It says:

   "If the MB ceases to command the confidence of the majority of the members of the Legislative Assembly, then, unless at his request His Royal Highness dissolves the Legislative Assembly, he shall tender the resignation of the Executive Council."

   If we could now look at this provision closely.

   There is no subjectivity here. It does NOT say, for example, "IF the Sultan is of the opinion that the MB ceases to command the confidence of the Assembly", or "IF it is likely that the MB has ceased to command the confidence of the Assembly".

   It says clearly that "if the MB ceases to command". That means this provision kicks in only and only if, it could be factually proven that the MB has ceased to command the confidence of the Legislative Assembly.

   In other word, the Sultan is NOT imbued with the power to make his own SUBJECTIVE judgment over this fact and matter . For this provision to operate, it must be established as a fact that the MB has ceased to command the confidence of the Assembly.
   
   How is that fact established then? In countries practising the Westminster typed democracy, this fact is established with a vote of no confidence on the floor of the Assembly.
   

2. Article 16 (7)
   
   Next to be examined is Article 16 (7). It says:
   
   

   "Subject to Clause (6) a member of the Executive Council other than the MB shall hold office at His Royal Highness' pleasure, but any member of the Council may at any time resign his office."

   It is of paramount importance to note that ONLY the MB does NOT hold office at the PLEASURE of the Sultan.
   
   
   From a literal reading of this article, it is clear that the Sultan may therefore sack any member of the Executive Council but not the MB.

Can the Sultan Ask the MB to Resign?

With all due respect to HRH the Sultan of Perak, I don't think the Sultan has the power to ask for the resignation of the MB.

It has been argued elsewhere that the provision of the Interpretation Act 1948 would give the power to the Sultan to dismiss the MB.

While I concede that section 94 of that Act gives the power to dismiss in every instant where a power to appoint exists, it must be remembered that the Interpretation Act does NOT apply "where there is something in the subject or context inconsistent with or repugnant to the application" of the Interpretation Act.

Where is the context inconsistent with the application of the Interpretation Act here?

The answer lies with Article 16 (7) above. It is clear that the MB does not hold office at the pleasure of the Sultan as opposed to the other members of the Assembly.

Had it been intended that the Sultan should have the power to dismiss the MB as well as the other members of the Executive Council, Article 16 (7) would not have made such a glaring and clear exception so as to expressly preclude the MB from the operation of that Article.

Exercise of the Sultan's Powers

There are 2 broad categories of powers which the Sultan is vested with.

1. The first type are powers which the Sultan shall act in accordance with the advice of the Executive Council. There is no discretionary power here. Whenever the Sultan is advised to exercise these powers, the Sultan has no choice but to exercise that power in accordance with the advice given.
   
   
2. Secondly there are powers which the Sultan may exercise in his discretion. These powers include:

• power to appoint the MB
  
  
• power to withhold his consent to a request for the dissolution of the Assembly.

Here lies the problem.

The MB has requested the Sultan to dissolve the Assembly but the Sultan has REFUSED to do so and had asked the MB to resign instead.

Was the Sultan Right?

1. CASE LAW: Stephen Kalong Ningkan v. Tun Abang Haji Openg and Tawi Sli [1966]
   
   A case law, decided by our Court in 1966 bears important resemblance to the crisis in Perak now.
   
   
   In Stephen Kalong Ningkan v. Tun Abang Haji Openg and Tawi Sli [1966] 2 MLJ 187, the Governor of Sarawak received a letter signed by 21 members of the Council Negri (equivalent to the Legislative Assembly) expressing no confidence in Stephen Kalong Ningkan as the Chief Minister.
   
   
   The Governor then asked Stephen to resign. Stephen refused to resign.
   
   
   The Governor then declared that Stephen and all the members of the Supreme Council (equivalent to the Executive Council) as having ceased to hold office. A new Chief Minister was then appointed by the Governor.
   
   The case ended up in the High Court where among others, a declaration that the purported dismissal of Stephen as the Chief Minister was ultra vires the Constitution and was therefore null and void.
   
   
   The Sarawak Constitution contain provisions which are almost identical to the provisions of the Perak Constitution.
   
   Article 6 (3) provides:
   
   
   "The Governor shall appoint an Chief Minister a member of the Council Negri who in his judgment in likely to command the confidence of a majority of the members of the Council Negri and shall appoint the other members in accordance with the advice of the Chief Minister from among the members of the Council Negri."
   
   
   By Article 7, it is provided as follows:
   
   
   "(1) If the Chief Minister ceases to command the confidence of a majority of the members of the Council Negri, then, unless at his request the Governor dissolves the Council Negri, the Chief Minister shall tender the resignation of the members of the Supreme Council.
   
   (2) A member of the Supreme Council may at any time resign his office by writing under his hand addressed to the Governor, and a member of the Supreme Council other than the Chief Minister shall also vacate his office if his appointment thereto in revoked by the Governor acting in accordance with the advice of the Chief Minister.
   
   (3) Subject to cll (1) and (2), a member of the Supreme Council other than the Chief Minister shall hold office at the Governor's pleasure."
   
   Notice the almost identical provisions. It has to be noted that the Sarawak Constitution also provides, (as do the Perak Constitution) that the Chief Minister does NOT hold office at the pleasure of the Governor.
   The Court held as follows:

   i) for Article 7 (1) to kick in, there must be a vote of no confidence from the floor of the Assembly. Mere letters signed by the members of the Assembly expressing NO confidence to the Governor was NOT sufficient.
   
   ii) the Governor had NO power to dismiss the Chief Minister under the Constitution.
   
   iii) the purported dismissal of the CM was then ultra vires the Sarawak state Constitution.

   What is even more important is the learned Judge's observation in respect of the exercise by the Governor of his discretionary power to appoint a CM and to withhold his consent when there is a request to dissolve the Assembly.
   
   
   This is what His Lordship said:
   

   "A lot has been said about the duty and powers and discretion of the Governor. His paramount duty is to "act in accordance with the advice of the Supreme Council or of a member thereof acting under the general authority of the Council". (Article 10(1).
   

   
   

   There are two occasions when the Governor has a discretion, that is, when he can act without, or even contrary to, the advice of the Supreme Council.
   
   Those occasions are in the performance of the following functions -
   

   
   (a) the appointment of a Chief Minister;
   
   (b) the withholding of consent to a request for the dissolution of the Council Negri. (Article 10 (2) ).
   
   

   As regards (a), nobody could be so foolish as to suggest that a Governor could appoint a second Chief Minister while there was still one in office.
   
   As regards (b), this probably has in mind a situation of splinter parties, as has been the case in France, when a general election could not be expected to show an overall majority for any one party.
   In Sarawak, it seems to me, that a Chief Minister may advise a dissolution, even though he has NOT as yet lost the confidence of Council Negri. In such circumstances, the Governor's REFUSAL to dissolve might be conventionally UNCONSTITUTIONAL , although NOT illegal."

This is still good law as this decision has NEVER been overturned by a HIGHER Court.

Conclusion

With the greatest of respect to HRH the Sultan of Perak, it would appear that the above case law does not lend support to the actions which have so far been taken in Perak.

I would like to end this post by quoting R H Hickling from his excellent book, "Malaysian Law" (Professional Law Books Publishers 1988), where he said:

"The advent of constitutional government in Malaysia marked the beginning of the end for the prerogatives of the Rulers.

While assiduously reserving these prerogatives by express savings in the state constitutions, the very act of defining rights and powers restrict them.

With the advent of formal constitutions government in Johor in 1895, limitations on arbitrary rules set in, and the pattern was set for progress to the modern concept of constitutional government: that is to say, not merely government in accordance with the provisions of the constitution, but government in accordance with the wishes of the elected Representatives of the people."

CEASE TO BE MB: WHICH CHAMBER IS SUPREME?

Assalamualaikum,

When the number game was determined for the state assembly of Perak, the PR had 28 seats, BN had 28 seats and independent 3. By this we understand that the process of vote counting was performed and the results were made known to the public.

The counting was performed at a location or a place. In order for an MB to be declared to cease command of the members of the Legislative Assembly, that counting process must be done at which location for it to have legal binding?

Would be sufficient to hold that counting process in any chamber or hall in this universe? Or is it that it can only be done in the sitting of Perak State Legislative Assembly for it to have legal binding?


Or can the counting done in my kitchen and when the number game is reached, the MB ceases to command the confidence of the majority Legislative Assembly?